All immigrants and African-Americans in the United States and their descendants have leveraged a notion of the American dream to obtain success. However, the belief in the American dream has not always been the same. Towards the end of the 1800s, immigration, civil war, and industrialization altered the American culture and economy almost overnight. As competitiveness and individualism replaced the colonialists’ cooperation and community-oriented thinking, the concept of the “self-made man shifted its meaning. For immigrants and African-Americans, the change in the belief in this powerful vision began a long time ago. While upholding the American dream is at the core of immigrants’ success, there are millions of people who did not choose to come to America. This essay distinguishes between immigrants’ and African-Americans’ understanding of the American dream and shows how for a specific population, it looks like an isolated hope.
Early Struggle of African-Americans
Since 1865, African Americans ‘ understanding of the American dream has always inclined towards building a nation where people of all colors, races, and ethnicities live together in peace and harmony. Still, racism hinders the development and realization of such a significant vision (Foner 12). During industrialization and reconstruction, African-Americans lacked the resources and legal protection needed to organize and counter white businesses and factory owners. In most cases, they were deeply frustrated to the extent that working communities in the coal mines and railroad yards of Pennsylvania resorted to violence.
Conversely, wealthy white slave owners felt they could not trust immigrants and African-Americans’ grievances to organize and form unions (Corbett et al. 478). For this reason, they capitalized on various anti-union sentiments, including open shops, strikebreakers, and yellow-dog contracts to crush unions. The obstacles that curbed the success of African-American workers were racism and ethnicity, coupled with the language and cultural barriers introduced by European immigrants.
For a large part, the American dream was the greatest barrier to African-Americans’ effective unionization. Although the nation had not wholly subscribed to the provisions of the American dream in the 1800s and the beginning of the 1900s, the general population held specific beliefs (Corbett et al. 478). The people embraced a robust work ethic that demonstrated that one should adhere to individual beliefs and refrain from organizations and radical collectives. Consequentially, the outbreak of violence in different parts of the United States only confirmed that “radical, un-American elements were behind all union efforts.” Additionally, in his critique of Booker T. Washington’s ideals, Dubois notes that African-Americans were forced to struggle against some discriminatory values that were considered “American” (1). One disposition claimed that African-Americans could only survive through submission. According to McPherson, the underlying purpose of the Mississippi Black Codes of 1865 was to ensure that African-Americans gave up their political power, civil rights, and education to accumulate wealth and focus on industrial expertise (81).
Meaning of the American Dream to these Populations
Contrast in the Meaning of the American Dream
There is a difference in the manner in which African-Americans and immigrants, in general, comprehended the American dream. Although “immigrants” is an umbrella term in modern society, Corbett et al. state that in the reconstruction era, there was a choice and identity factor (478). The American dream attracted and caused people from different parts of the world to “choose” to come to the United States. On the eve of the Civil War, the nation saw an increase in the number of immigrants from Great Britain, Germany, Ireland, Norway, and Prussia.
As these people searched for the positive components and benefits of the American dream, they chose the struggles and the hardships that came with industrialization (Corbett et al. 798). Millions of others, primarily African-Americans, did not choose to uproot their families or suffer the corresponding oppression. As a result, DuBois asserts that European immigrants were significantly more economically stable and successful than African-Americans (1). This is because, for African-Americans, submitting to the demands of the American dream was a form of survival.
The upward mobility rate of immigrants is higher than that of African Americans born in the United States because of the disparity discussed in the previous segment. The pattern is still strong even after the government has amended the immigration policy several times. One should understand that the American dream feels more like keeping a promise than tasking a child with responsibility. Immigrants hold that obtaining an education and working hard leads to significantly better results for their children. To the immigrant population, the American dream is an opportunity to use government resources and take up American jobs to build personal generational wealth and develop the nation. To African-Americans who were born in the United States, there is more to the context as the American dream is not a model success story. DuBois notes that African-Americans must first struggle to restore the initial balance before competing with other races on secondary matters (1).
How the Populations Achieved the American Dream
Identity was an imperative characteristic of the American dream. In discussing the notion that the government should respect the civil rights of freedmen in 1865, McPherson states that identity played an integral role in the cause (81). The barriers African-Americans had to address were cultural disparities because immigrants brought a piece of who they are to the United States. Therefore, immigrants and African-Americans incorporated their histories, beliefs, and other elements of their identity in the American dream to thrive through the hard times.
In light of the disfranchisement, civil inferiority, and discrimination, DuBois demonstrates that the only refuge was one’s identity (1). These populations prayed to their gods, practiced their rituals, told their stories, created relationships with other ethnicities, and connected with their families to yield a sense of worth in a foreign land. Numerous immigrants learned new languages and assimilated new features into their new lives. Still, their identity was paramount to their prosperity and the success of the American dream.
Today, after more than 100 years, it is evident that African-Americans from the slave trade are a long way from fully integrating the American dream into their system. Since they lack immigrant status, they do not identify with the primary components of American success; the American dream and cultural identity (DuBois 1). This is why the researcher states that for African-Americans, the concept of the American dream feels like an isolated hope.
This annotation comes to life when one assesses and compares the state of this population to that of immigrants who did not experience the horrors of slavery. For instance, in present-day, some immigrants have obtained valuable formal education and come to the United States to secure permanent careers and high-income occupations. Immigrants have always had the privilege to overcome specific, less potent obstacles, regain intense motivation, and re-establish their lives under the promise of the American dream.
Extent to Which these Populations have Achieved the American Dream
DuBois implies that a significant portion of the current immigrant and African-American population is full of people who have been recognized as servants for more than 100 years (1). Then, with the development of urbanization and suburbanization in the 1950s, the dominant American race continued the majority narrative while pushing these populations to the edge of society as undesirables (Corbett et al. 764).
After the severe waves of political oppression and being subjected to negative emotional rollercoasters, it is fair to say that these populations are not particularly confident of their inclusion and representation in the American dream. The extent to which African-Americans and many immigrants have achieved the vision is limited, partly because several do not feel wanted (Foner 13). The civil war and the reconstruction era systematically stripped African-Americans and immigrants of their cultural values, identity, and the sense of pride they needed to achieve the American dream.
African-Americans are still a long way from achieving the Americans. Corbett et al. state that many African-Americans were forced into slavery and have had to survive these adverse conditions since 1865 (480). This population can express their American dream in a single word: freedom. Additional features that will mark the freedom of African-Americans and many immigrants include equality, the restoration of the people’s identity, and the presence of opportunities.
Further, these populations would appreciate it if the American dream recognized their dignity. The majority race should show them the difference between how they conceive them and what they can be. African-Americans and immigrants will reach the greatest extent of the American dream when white people allow them to fulfill their potential and realize that they are also human (DuBois 1). In other words, as much as these populations are willing to accomplish the provisions of the American dream as long as the majority race appreciates their efforts and contribution to the vision.
Conclusion
The American dream means different things to African-Americans and immigrants. This paper’s enduring themes include African-Americans’ initial struggle with segregation and the contrast in their comprehension of the American dream against that of immigrants. While many immigrants have a higher upward mobility rate than African-Americans, the ways in which they achieve the vision are pretty similar. More specifically, America has socially engineered these populations to ensure that they do not form unions and maintain their positions in society. For this reason, African-Americans and immigrants have spent many generations attempting to regain their identity and the capacity to choose. Still, this paper supports the need for a more concrete and inclusive discussion and insight into how the American dream can integrate more of these populations’ priorities.
Works Cited
Corbett, P S, Janssen Volker, John M. Lund, Todd J. Pfannestiel, Paul S. Vickery, and Sylvie
Waskiewicz. U.S. History., 2016. Print: 477-805.
DuBois, W. E. B. “WEB DuBois critiques Booker T. Washington.” History Matters. http://historymatters.
gmu. edu/d/40 (accessed May 17, 2018) (1903): 1.
Foner, Eric, ed. Voices of freedom: A documentary history. Vol. 2. WW Norton & Company
Incorporated, 2008: 12-15.
McPherson, Edward. The Political History of the United States of America during the Great Rebellion.
Philp & Solomons, 1865: 75-88.
Below is the original course question for the final research paper above
Write a 1100- to 1300-word essay. You must cite your sources, using parenthetical references or footnotes. For example:
o James Meredith became the first black man to attend the University of Mississippi (Wolf, “Social Movements”).
o Radical feminists argued that traditional marriage upheld patriarchy (“Redstockings Manifesto”).
Instructions for the essay:
- Include a word count at the top of the essay.
- Write a well-organized, analytical essay.
- In your essay, be sure to draw on and cite a variety of course sources (Lectures, other videos, the textbook and other secondary sources, and primary sources to offer specific examples that will support your argument.) You must cite and use evidence from at least three primary sources. Do not draw on outside sources. Include a works-cited page.
Essay Prompts
- Analyze the American dream as it relates to immigrants and black Americans from 1865 to the present. What is the American dream for these groups, and to what extent were they able to achieve it?
To get you started, consider these two musings:
- The American dream is “that dream of a land in which life should be better and richer and fuller for everyone, with opportunity for each according to ability or achievement. … It is not a dream of motor cars and high wages merely, but a dream of social order in which each man and each woman shall be able to attain to the fullest stature of which they are innately capable, and be recognized by others for what they are, regardless of the fortuitous circumstances of birth or position.” [James Truslow Adams, The Epic of America (1931) p. 214-215.]
- The American dream is “…to every man, regardless of his birth, his shining, golden opportunity ….the right to live, to work, to be himself, and to become whatever thing his manhood and his vision can combine to make him.” [Thomas Wolfe, You Can’t Go Home Again (1940) p. 508.]
| Capstone | Milestones | Benchmark | Needs Significant Improvement | |
| Thesis statement 20 points | Contains a well-developed thesis statement that clearly answers the prompt, is contestable, and provides a roadmap for the paper. Thesis is well-supported by subclaims (i.e., topic sentences). 18-20 points | Contains a thesis that does not fully address the question, or is not contestable, or does not provide a roadmap for the paper. Subclaims are weak or do not further the argument. 16-17 points | Contains a thesis that does not fully address the question, or is not contestable, or does not provide a roadmap for the paper. Subclaims very weak or nonexistent. 14-15 points | Contains no thesis or the thesis does not address the question 5-13 points |
| Primary-source evidence/ analysis 30 points | Presents effective analysis of at least two primary sources. Analysis clearly and effectively supports an argument. Includes quotes and/or descriptions from at least two primary sources and effectively interprets them in supporting the argument. 27-30 points | Offers limited analysis of at least two primary sources. OR Offers effective analysis of one primary sources. Analysis supports an argument. 24-26 points | Lists primary sources but does not link the evidence to the argument adequately. Includes evidence from 0 or 1 primary sources or uses the evidence ineffectively. 21-23 points | Exhibits inadequate or incorrect understanding of the question. 5-20 points |
| Secondary-source evidence/ context 35 points | Supports the argument and historical analysis with substantial and relevant examples from the textbook, lectures, and other sources. Analysis clearly and effectively supports an argument. 32-35 points | Supports the argument and historical analysis with some relevant examples from textbook and/or lectures. Analysis supports an argument. 28-31 points | Contains little historical context or that information is inaccurate or irrelevant. Information may be unconnected to an argument. 25-27 points | Has little or no understanding of the historical context (or ignores it completely). 0-24 points |
| Control of Syntax and Mechanics 10 points | Uses graceful language that skillfully communicates meaning with clarity and fluency, and is virtually error-free. 9-10 points | Uses straightforward language that generally conveys meaning to readers. The language has few errors. 8 points | Uses language that sometimes impedes meaning because of errors in usage. 7 points | Uses language so poorly that it inhibits understanding. 1-6 points |
| Citations 5 points | Correctly cites sources. 5 points | May have errors in citation style. 4 points | Uneven use of citation. 3 points | Fails to cite sources. 1-2 points |
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